COLUMBUS -- It took three tries before Vincent Pettinelli landed a coveted post in state government.
This time state senators blocked his way. They forced Mr. Pettinelli to withdraw in response to complaints that he was not qualified to represent rural areas, one of the job's requirements.
Undaunted, Mr. Pettinelli urged Mr. Voinovich's aides to find another position for him. In May 1997, the governor appointed him to a board that does not require any special qualifications or expertise: the Kent State University Board of Trustees.
"After the school board appointment didn't work out, Vince expressed interest in higher education," Andy Futey, the governor's executive assistant for personnel, said at the time. "He wants to be a public servant."
Mr. Pettinelli's appointment illustrates the advantage political insiders often enjoy over outsiders when seeking prestigious and powerful government positions.
While many of the boards and commissions appointed by the governor are required by law to have racial, gender or political diversity, an Enquirer computer analysis found that Mr. Voinovich has used his discretionary power during the past seven years to reward friends, campaign supporters and the party faithful.
The analysis found that:
- Appointees and their families contributed more than $1.1 million to Mr. Voinovich's campaign fund between 1990 and 1996. One of every seven appointees contributed to the governor's campaign fund. On a core of key boards that oversee large budgets, pay salaries or offer prestige, one of every three contributed.
- Fifty-seven of the appointments went to people on a list of the governor's largest contributors and fund-raisers that was kept in the state office of Paul Mifsud, Mr. Voinovich's former chief of staff. Mr. Pettinelli is on the list.
- Thirty-two of the appointments went to Republican Party county chairmen or members of the state GOP's executive committee. The governor also selected several former Republican state legislators to serve on boards, including lawmakers facing term limits.
Although most of the boards and commissions are obscure compared to elected offices and cabinet-level agencies, some have considerable influence over the everyday lives of Ohioans.
Large responsibility
Among other things, they regulate doctors, accountants and Realtors in Ohio. Some panels oversee state universities and billions of dollars in bonds for state buildings and the Ohio Turnpike. Others set utility rates, resolve tax disputes, consider civil rights complaints and decide workers' compensation claims.
In an interview, Mr. Voinovich denied that campaign contributions or political connections have played a role in his appointments. "Anytime you have a system where people can contribute to campaigns and those people participate in the system, there always is a feeling out there that people are getting something they're not entitled to," Mr. Voinovich said.
"We try to appoint people to jobs here based on what their potential was to make a contribution to state government," he said. "I think we changed the system."
John Green, director of the Ray C. Bliss Institute of Applied Politics at the University of Akron, said campaign contributions are one factor in the process. Given the power and responsibility of many boards, he said, governors seek competent managers who reflect their general philosophy of government.
For instance, former Democratic Gov. Richard F. Celeste made it a priority to boost the number of women and minorities on boards and commissions, Mr. Green said. Mr. Voinovich's appointments have tended to reflect his 1990 campaign pledge to make government run more like a business. As a result, many of Mr. Voinovich's appointees have been businessmen who also have contributed to his campaign fund.
"Many of these boards are in charge of things that really matter," Mr. Green said. "So the goal for a governor is twofold: They want people who support them, but they also need people who can do the job."
State law spells out the qualifications for each board. Most of the boards that regulate professions, such as bankers and doctors, are required to have some members with expertise in the related field. Many require at least one member designated to represent the public.
Fit the bill
Mr. Voinovich has had no trouble finding fellow Republicans who fit both categories. All nine of the people he has appointed to the Banking Board have been Republicans. So were eight of his 12 appointees to the Medical Board.
The chairman of the Ohio Real Estate Commission, a five-member panel that regulates Realtors, is Owen Hall, former president of the Ohio Association of Realtors and chairman of the Mercer County Republican Party.
"I never sought any consideration for this post because I'm a Republican," Mr. Hall said. "It came strictly from people in the real estate business who know me."
Serving on a board, particularly one that pays a salary, can provide a safety net for failed politicians and lawmakers facing term limits. In some cases, board members are eligible for tax-supported health care and retirement benefits.
William Thompson is one of three state lawmakers who resigned from the General Assembly during the past year to accept an appointed position.
As chairman of the House Commerce and Labor Committee, Mr. Thompson sponsored several pieces of legislation to change the state workers' compensation system. He also shepherded budget bills for the Bureau of Workers' Compensation and the Industrial Commission, a panel that resolves disputes between injured workers and the state. Last June, soon after lawmakers approved pro-business workers' compensation legislation co-sponsored by Mr. Thompson, Mr. Voinovich appointed the Delphos Republican to a $91,520-a-year job as the employers' representative on the Industrial Commission.
Two months later, Mr. Voinovich took advantage of a provision in a budget bill Mr. Thompson sponsored to elevate him to chairman of the commission. The measure gave governors the authority to directly select the chairman.
No conflict
Mr. Voinovich already had Mr. Thompson in mind as the measure made its way through the General Assembly. Before announcing the appointment, the governor's office obtained a legal opinion from Attorney General Betty Montgomery that Mr. Thompson wouldn't violate a provision of the Ohio Constitution that prohibits lawmakers from taking jobs created during their term.
"I don't see this as any reward for what I've done in the past," Mr. Thompson said. "I had other options, but I've always been interested in workers' comp. I've been lucky enough to be permitted to keep serving in that area."
Like Mr. Thompson, some lawmakers are leaving the General Assembly when a well-paying appointment becomes available. State Sen. Karen Gilmor, R-Old Fort, resigned earlier this year to take a $75,920-a-year post on the State Employment Relations Board. In early April, Mr. Voinovich appointed Rep. Rocco Colona, D-Brook Park, to a spot on the Liquor Control board. His salary has not been determined. Lawmakers who end up on boards and commissions tend to be people known by the governor who appoints them. For other appointees, governors rely on a network of party leaders and other supporters to help winnow candidates.
Being businesslike
Senate President Richard Finan, R-Evendale, said he gets at least three letters a week from people asking for his help in securing an appointment. Many of the potential appointees he recommends to Mr. Voinovich for key boards tend to be "high-profile business people," he said.
"At the universities, for example, we want people with business backgrounds because universities should be run like a business," Mr. Finan said. "People who fall into that category tend to be political supporters. I think there is preference given to people who have been helpful."
Among those who have been helpful to Mr. Voinovich's campaigns is Akron industrialist David Brennan. He contributed $119,000 to the governor's political fund between 1990 and 1996, including $25,000 given the day before his May 1993 appointment to the Ohio State University Board of Trustees.
An appointment to the OSU board traditionally has been a coveted reward for a governor's top supporters. Mr. Celeste appointed his brother Ted before leaving office. Along with family members, the seven OSU trustees appointed by Mr. Voinovich contributed a combined $240,375 to his campaign fund between 1990 and 1996. Mr. Brennan, an OSU graduate, said he sought the post because he wanted to aid his alma mater. The timing of his campaign contributions was not intended to improve his chanceof being appointed, he said. "To even imply such is the case is a shame because it would lead people to reach the wrong conclusions," Mr. Brennan said.
Mr. Brennan also has raised thousands of dollars for Mr. Voinovich as chairman of the Ohio Republican Party's Finance Committee. His fund-raising work landed him on a list of top Voinovich contributors dubbed "Golden Eagles," which was kept in Mr. Mifsud's office. Ohio Inspector General Richard Ward called the list inappropriate. "No state office, least of all the office of the governor, should permit even the appearance of impropriety by using a list of contributors for any purpose," he wrote in a report absolving the Voinovich administration of contract-steering allegations.
Generosity helps
Louise Jackson, a Toledo tax lawyer tabbed by Mr. Voinovich in 1991 to fill a vacancy on the Board of Tax Appeals, said giving money is not a prerequisite for an appointment.
Two days after Ms. Jackson was appointed to the board, she contributed $1,000 to Mr. Voinovich's campaign fund.
"I didn't make the contribution in return for my appointment, but I think it's understood that's something you do," said Ms. Jackson, who described herself as a lifelong Republican. "Let's put it this way: It certainly is in your favor."
